{"id":4402231441924,"date":"2026-03-11T07:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-03-11T11:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.philanthropy.com\/?p=4402231441924"},"modified":"2026-03-10T17:01:10","modified_gmt":"2026-03-10T21:01:10","slug":"a-second-chance-to-get-rural-america-right","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.philanthropy.com\/opinion\/a-second-chance-to-get-rural-america-right\/","title":{"rendered":"A Second Chance to Get Rural America Right"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Keep up with everything happening in<\/em> The Commons<\/em><\/a> by<\/em> signing up for our monthly newsletter.<\/em><\/a>

Grant makers have responded to the political rise of Donald Trump by investing heavily in democracy and civic life.<\/a> Since 2016, when Trump won his first election, funding has more than doubled<\/a> for campaigns and compacts that combat misinformation<\/a>, bridge divides<\/a>, and connect Americans<\/a> in the face of growing, almost desperate isolation<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Despite these efforts, public trust <\/a>and civic strength<\/a> continue to sag. The majority of democracy funders say <\/a>philanthropy has not developed the right strategies. Some have concluded <\/a>that the anti-democratic forces animated and nurtured by Trump are simply too strong, while others optimistically plan for a \u201creturn to normal\u201d<\/a> after he\u2019s exited the White House.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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But these analyses ignore the economic and cultural context that make Trump and his agenda appealing to so many. And it brushes aside the underexamined role that philanthropy and institutions played in creating the conditions for his ascent.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Threats to democracy arose long before the New York billionaire descended his golden escalator and became a populist icon, and they won\u2019t evaporate when he leaves power.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

What to do? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any prescription for the next three years must take into account a little-noticed divide at the heart of America\u2019s discord. On one side of this deep-rooted schism are the \u201csomewheres\u201d \u2014 those who feel a deep commitment to a region, neighborhood, or hillside, like my neighbors and family in rural Kentucky. On the other side are the \u201canywheres,\u201d those whose connections to place are tenuous, even flexible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Policymakers are often \u201canywheres,\u201d but so, too, are many foundation executives. Often products of elite colleges and denizens of big cities<\/a>, they can overlook the values and motivations of those who feel a deep commitment to a specific place. Substantial resources rarely flow to the strategies of \u201csomewheres,” especially those in the working class South. Instead, the \u201canywheres\u201d design an intervention, funding only work tailored to the untested strategies of their RFP. Afterward, focus groups and case studies analyze the outcome, but the program architects seldom live with the long-term consequences of what they wrought. This cycle threatens the credibility of local leaders and leaves communities more cynical about promises of change. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Philanthropy\u2019s Broken Promise<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Philanthropy had a chance to break this destructive pattern as the country emerged from the Great Recession. The 2008-9 economic crisis hollowed out America\u2019s middle class and sparked a massive transfer of wealth to the rich, but many philanthropies bailed on their rural commitments. Metro areas that were home to many philanthropy headquarters rebounded well from the downturn, while small towns and cities in middle America struggled<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n

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